Simultaneously, Dalit community has to be internally strengthened on the basis of its history and culture, mechanisms of internal governance. A strong voluntary force of educated young people has to be set on task to go back to their communities to educate the community, especially the children on the many oral traditions that exist in Dalit history. Unless the Dalit community is strengthened from within just as all other communities have done, sharing in political power for Dalits is likely to remain only a mirage for a long time to come.
Ambedkar himself changed his political trajectory in the year 1955. On 27 August 1955, under the chairpersonship of Ambedkar the National Federation of Scheduled Castes passed a resolution saying that the Dalits do not need separate electorate nor do they need reserved seats as enshrined in the Constitution of India. Instead Ambedkar proposed an electoral system with multi-member constituencies clearly indicating a reformation in the electoral system of the country in favor of the Dalit and other minorities. The present FPTP electoral system of India is best suited for the dominant caste forces who would like to co-opt the Dalits as their biggest vote bank.
The serious business of building up the Dalit people as a strong and vibrant community in order to pave way for the emergence of a national Dalit party will require all the imagination and capacity of Dalit leadership for a period of time. Can we say that for another period of 15 years the entire Dalit leadership in the country converge all its energy and time for building up the community as an organic entity while at the same time working towards the creation of a national Dalit party? Will Mayawati be willing to take up the onerous task of forging a new national alliance? Such a path will actually propel her to dizzy heights in Indian political horizon.