Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee today told the Lok Sabha that India had not made any change in its policy towards Pakistan. Mukherjee said that talks were the only way forward to bring peace between the countries.
FINANCE MINISTER Pranab Mukherjee on Thursday ruled out war as an option to deal with Pakistan, saying "we can not erase Pakistan, it is going to exist".
Intervening in the debate on Indo-Pakistan joint statement in Parliament today, Mukherjee said dialogue was the only way forward to bring peace in the region, while asserting that UPA had made no surrender on the issue of combating terror.Mukherjee asserted in the Lok Sabha that India will neither succumb to terror nor it will stop talking. He said that action against terrorism was separate from the composite dialogue process.
Mukherjee also reminded the opposition that NDA had also initiated talks with Pakistan and the same had been done by the present government. He said that talking with the neighbouring country did not mean that full-fledged dialogue has been resumed.The finance minister also underlined the importance of keeping open the channels with Pakistan but this did not mean India had surrendered its position on terrorism. He said that credible action against terrorism was imperative and Pakistan will have to prove its intent by taking verifiable steps against terror.
.India is a revolutionary power in many ways. India is not only undergoing several domestic revolutions������that of its economy, its caste system, and its federal structure, but also in how it sees its place in the world.[1] India������s revolutions are different than those of China, and comparisons must be made very carefully. I can save some of you a lot of trouble by letting you know that much of the literature on ������Chindia,������ exemplified by two books I saw in Chennai last December������The Dragon and the Elephant and The Elephant and the Dragon, is with a few exceptions, mostly useless.[2]
The end of the Cold War forced India to reconsider how it configured its relations with major states, notably America. It is still a free-rider to the extent that, without being a member of any American-organized alliance, it benefits from the stability provided by these alliances. At best, Indians describe their relationship with the US as a ������natural alliance,������ a content-less term. India has an interest in a stable international order, but it has so far been only a bit player when it comes to global order issues.
With the end of bipolarism the long-held dream of becoming one of the world������s four or five centers of power and authority seemed to move closer, but other than run of the mill peacekeeping operations under UN auspices������just like Bangladesh������it shows few signs of playing a larger role. Perhaps maintaining its own integrity is enough for the time being, but the chronic conflict with Pakistan is another reason why India remains confined to its region.
India������s dispute with Pakistan is one of the reasons why the reforms sought by Amartya Sen, M.S. Swaminathan, and such eminent businessmen as Nandan Nilekani will be slow in coming. Ironically, this is not because of Pakistan������s strengths, but because of its weaknesses. Let me develop this idea further.
Globalization and its Discontented Victims
The cold war masked a process that was just as corrosive to many states as the US-Soviet rivalry. Pakistan got the worst of both worlds: its cold war ties retarded its political development, they allowed for the perpetuation of a military and strategic rivalry with the much larger India, and gave it false comfort in the belief that its cold war allies would help them in time of crisis.
However, often hidden by the rhetoric of the cold war, another process was moving forward. This was variously termed ������non-military security,������ or ������human security,������ labels that were invented to compete with the cold war paradigm of ������hard������ or ������real������ security, that is, the security of states themselves.
There was a widespread belief, promulgated by the foundations and some governments, that states were themselves the threat -- that too strong states repressed their citizens, and that human rights groups and NGOs could, and should, fill in where the state was repressive. There was also a belief that too much attention had been given to the security of states, not enough to their citizens. The state was the problem, non-state forces, backed by international watchdogs, were the answer.
.Its good that this government (I am not using term Congress government as leadership of Ms Indira Gandhi has shown proud moment of us) was not in power during Kargil conflict otherwise we would have continued talking instead of fighting it.
Our government says we should keep talking, but there is no formal objection placed when a person named in the attack gets acquitted because no advocate appears to represent government. Its more than 8 months now and we are still begging Pakistan to do action on culprits and in response they continue asking for the evidence. Our home ministry says that there is still threat of attack on Indian soil. So, from whom we have threat? Our intelligence sources say that training camp is still going on in POK then what we are doing for it?
Now let������s come back to the joint statement of prime minister and foreign minister, if continuation of dialog is only option then why is this realization after 8 months of break? This process should have continued. There is no point talking about previous government action and doing the same because they have done so. We must live in present and do what ever relevant for now.
Being a Sovran state we should do everything to protect our citizens. If Pakistan does not act to dismantle terror set-up, India should dismantle it. India should extend helping hand to crush terrorism and its infrastructure.