Who is afraid of caste census and why?
Caste is a not only thriving but kicking also. It is a social reality which determines one's social status and the limits of the social relations and also opportunities for advancement in the life of an individual.
THE INDIAN government had to succumb to political pressure to agree for caste census at the end of the last budget session of the Parliament. It was demanded by almost all the political parties which it found difficult to put aside. This demand was raised earlier also by some political parties but was just ignored by the ruling party. But this time the pressure was so overwhelming that the government had no alternative but to agree to the popular demand.
At the national level the population of OBCs has been accepted as 52 per cent of the total population of the country and reservation to the extent of 27 per cent has been made for them in Central government posts. This was the outcome of the implementation of Mandal Commission Report in 1990. The matter went to the Supreme Court of India and it was held to be constitutionally valid. The matter again came up before the apex court when Central government decided to give reservation to OBCs in higher education and technical institutions. The question regarding the basis of the quantum of reservation was again raised by the court. The court again directed the Central government to come up with reliable figures of OBCs population but the government lacked such data.
Apart from the above there has been a regular demand from various organisations and political parties especially those with backward classes predominance for caste based census but it was just brushed aside by the ruling party may it be Bharatiya Janata Party or Congress. This demand was raised during 2001 Census also and the then NDA government did not entertain this request. But this time the pressure was so high that Congress government could not afford to put it aside and it had to agree to the caste count during 2011 Census.
No doubt similar difficulties may arise during this census also but it will be of the opposite nature. During 1931 Census it was a scramble for up gradation of one’s caste but this time it may be ‘Desanskritisation.’ Ie, down grading of caste. In the post Mandal quota era various castes may scramble for downgrading their castes to get into the OBC list. The struggle of the Gujjars for inclusion in the scheduled tribes list is a recent example of the ensuing trend. Similarly, land owning Jat caste of Uttar Pradesh has been included in state OBC list by BJP for political reasons.
The opponents of the caste census tend to give the impression that the caste has ceased to exist and census will make it raise its head again. But if you look at the matrimonial advertisements in the news papers you will find that not only caste but sub caste is most important for matrimony. It fully demolishes the above premise of the opponents of caste census. In fact, caste is a not only thriving but kicking also. It is a social reality which determines one’s social status and the limits of the social relations and also opportunities for advancement in the life of an individual.
After independence we have adopted a system of planned development which requires a correct data of our population and the extent of social, educational and economic backwardness. It is a fact that in India class and caste are almost congruent. The castes which are socially and educationally backward are invariably economically backward also. Thus for proper planning, the strength of target groups must be known correctly which can be ascertained through caste based census only.
The Supreme Court of India and some high courts had off and on asked for the basis of the quantum of reservation for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) which the government lacked on account of absence of proper population data for these classes. Some attempts were made by some states to ascertain the population figure for OBCs but it was contested by the opponents of reservation. Kaka Kalelkar and Mandal Commission had evolved criterion for ascertaining the population of OBCs. National Backward Classes Commission was instituted to ascertain the list of the castes to be classified under this category for reservation in Central government appointments. Similarly State Backward Commissions were also instituted to prepare such lists for reservation in state level appointments. It is a fact that Central and state lists differ in content.
At the national level the population of OBCs has been accepted as 52 per cent of the total population of the country and reservation to the extent of 27 per cent has been made for them in Central government posts. This was the outcome of the implementation of Mandal Commission Report in 1990. The matter went to the Supreme Court of India and it was held to be constitutionally valid. The matter again came up before the apex court when Central government decided to give reservation to OBCs in higher education and technical institutions. The question regarding the basis of the quantum of reservation was again raised by the court. The court again directed the Central government to come up with reliable figures of OBCs population but the government lacked such data.
Apart from the above there has been a regular demand from various organisations and political parties especially those with backward classes predominance for caste based census but it was just brushed aside by the ruling party may it be Bharatiya Janata Party or Congress. This demand was raised during 2001 Census also and the then NDA government did not entertain this request. But this time the pressure was so high that Congress government could not afford to put it aside and it had to agree to the caste count during 2011 Census.
The announcement for caste count during 2011 Census has given rise to a big row among its supporters and opponents. One of the major objections against the caste census is that it will give impetus to caste divisions and its perpetuation in society. The other objection is regarding the operational difficulty in ascertaining the correctness of the caste claimed by a person as there is no such final list available with the census authorities.
It is true that the last caste based census was conducted in 1931, by the then British authorities and then it was discontinued. In post independence period no attempt was made to go for caste count as the government was not prepared to take up this work. No doubt caste census is done regularly to ascertain the population of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes to fix up their quota of reservation in services and in political reservation in Parliament and state assemblies which is invariably in proportion to their population. The 52 per cent figure of OBC population has been arrived at on the basis of their population in 1931 Census which is also disputed by the OBCs and higher castes as well. So now it has become necessary to ascertain afresh the population figure of the OBCs and 2011 Census is the most appropriate occasion for it.
Now let us take up the first objection to caste census regarding impetus to caste division and its perpetuation. In this context it will be quite apt to recall the observations made by Sir J H Hutton who was the census commissioner during 1931 Census. In Chapter XII, ‘Caste, Tribe and Race’ in the section titled ‘The Return of Caste’ he observed, “A certain amount of criticism has been directed at the census for taking any note at all of caste. It has been alleged that the mere act of labeling persons as belonging to a caste tends to perpetuate the system. It is, however, difficult to see why the record of a fact that actually exists should lend to stabilise that existence. It is just as easy to argue and with at least as much truth, that it is impossible to get rid of any institution by ignoring its existence like a proverbial ostrich.”
As regards operational problems in caste count, Hutton also talks of the practical problems evolved. “Experience at this census has shown very clearly the difficulty of getting a correct return of castes and likewise the difficulty of interpreting it for census purposes,” he says. Hutton writes about how people used the census to move up the social order, as a vehicle for what the latter-day sociologists call ‘Sanskritisation.’ To illustrate his point, Hutton quotes from a report of the superintendent of census operations for Madras. “For example, an extremely dark individual pursuing the occupation of waterman on the Coorg border described his caste as Suryavamsa, the family of the Sun.”
It is true that the last caste based census was conducted in 1931, by the then British authorities and then it was discontinued. In post independence period no attempt was made to go for caste count as the government was not prepared to take up this work. No doubt caste census is done regularly to ascertain the population of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes to fix up their quota of reservation in services and in political reservation in Parliament and state assemblies which is invariably in proportion to their population. The 52 per cent figure of OBC population has been arrived at on the basis of their population in 1931 Census which is also disputed by the OBCs and higher castes as well. So now it has become necessary to ascertain afresh the population figure of the OBCs and 2011 Census is the most appropriate occasion for it.
Now let us take up the first objection to caste census regarding impetus to caste division and its perpetuation. In this context it will be quite apt to recall the observations made by Sir J H Hutton who was the census commissioner during 1931 Census. In Chapter XII, ‘Caste, Tribe and Race’ in the section titled ‘The Return of Caste’ he observed, “A certain amount of criticism has been directed at the census for taking any note at all of caste. It has been alleged that the mere act of labeling persons as belonging to a caste tends to perpetuate the system. It is, however, difficult to see why the record of a fact that actually exists should lend to stabilise that existence. It is just as easy to argue and with at least as much truth, that it is impossible to get rid of any institution by ignoring its existence like a proverbial ostrich.”
As regards operational problems in caste count, Hutton also talks of the practical problems evolved. “Experience at this census has shown very clearly the difficulty of getting a correct return of castes and likewise the difficulty of interpreting it for census purposes,” he says. Hutton writes about how people used the census to move up the social order, as a vehicle for what the latter-day sociologists call ‘Sanskritisation.’ To illustrate his point, Hutton quotes from a report of the superintendent of census operations for Madras. “For example, an extremely dark individual pursuing the occupation of waterman on the Coorg border described his caste as Suryavamsa, the family of the Sun.”
No doubt similar difficulties may arise during this census also but it will be of the opposite nature. During 1931 Census it was a scramble for up gradation of one’s caste but this time it may be ‘Desanskritisation.’ Ie, down grading of caste. In the post Mandal quota era various castes may scramble for downgrading their castes to get into the OBC list. The struggle of the Gujjars for inclusion in the scheduled tribes list is a recent example of the ensuing trend. Similarly, land owning Jat caste of Uttar Pradesh has been included in state OBC list by BJP for political reasons.
The opponents of the caste census tend to give the impression that the caste has ceased to exist and census will make it raise its head again. But if you look at the matrimonial advertisements in the news papers you will find that not only caste but sub caste is most important for matrimony. It fully demolishes the above premise of the opponents of caste census. In fact, caste is a not only thriving but kicking also. It is a social reality which determines one’s social status and the limits of the social relations and also opportunities for advancement in the life of an individual.
After independence we have adopted a system of planned development which requires a correct data of our population and the extent of social, educational and economic backwardness. It is a fact that in India class and caste are almost congruent. The castes which are socially and educationally backward are invariably economically backward also. Thus for proper planning, the strength of target groups must be known correctly which can be ascertained through caste based census only.
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in India class and caste are almost congruent. IS Almost MYTH; FOR VOTE GATHERING ONLY
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@Gurunath Prakash
My dear friend , you talk like an arm chair scholar, who is an idealist, far away from reality. No one wants caste discrimination, no one wants to be called BACKWARD, but still it is there, Brahmins have long used nepotism and religious atrocities to keep the backward class out of the educational and higher jobs. Brain takes time to develop thus one or two generations will have to suffer to balance out the ills made on backward castes so that they can be just called 'classes' and not 'castes'
It??????s a conspiracy against the backward class people by the upper caste bureaucracy and the Upper caste Ministers. Are they ready to present the status of the representation of OBCs in the Central Government, PSUs, Banks etc and the representation of OBC officials in decision making jobs. If the representation is adequate we the OBCs are ready to accept their terms if not whether they will oblige for the caste wise census and the adequate representation of OBCs as enshrined in the constitution? The day is not far off to throw the politicians obstructing the developments of OBCs the Majority population of India!! For which the politicians from upper caste and the media are putting obstacles to the caste wise census. The next Indian Government will be definitely by the OBCs and not by any one else??????
Insecurity is the basis of Politics in India. When on one hand our founding fathers have asked us to forget castes and live like one and this is what Congress Party and Communists keep advocating not with standing the Caste discrimination , especially in Commies. They have perfected this over the years. The correct census is not needed nor possible. How long will populations feel happy to be called as BACKWARD? What is SC and ST, when they have a glorious pre-historic history??Even Gandhiji also was against discrimination based on Caste! According to our scriptures there is no caste only Varna. There is an allegation that certain castes have been discriminated over thousands of years in certain areas of India. Why must everyone suffer all over India? Why is there only an SC and ST atrocities act? Why not just atrocities act? We need caste and gender neutral laws. What about the minority castes which is helping the country by controlling population production as per the advice of Indiraji? Only way out is Economic and Social backwardness with a fixed time . Involve the elders and leaders in development and peace. Do it in public domain. I find this as a conspiracy by Christian, Islamic and Anti Indian forces. I request everyone to think positively and respond. Its the future of India as a Country and the future of future Indian Youth and Children/kids. Me and my Party will do everything for the future of India.
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