In the last 3 decades, most mainstream political parties of the country have become ‘agents’ of neo-liberalism, but its direct ‘product’ is AAP. Neo-liberalism and communalism had begun to join hands in the 80’s, disregarding the Indian Constitution. It became stronger with the implementation of the new economic policies in 1991 and the demolition of the Babri Masjid in the last month of 1992 and has been regularly gaining strength ever since.
The hype that the new avatar of this alliance i.e. AAP, created in Delhi, has been challenged only by the large Muslim population of Delhi. Therefore, it is a cause of worry for AAP and it has formed a ‘special task force’ to win the Muslim votes in the coming Lok Sabha elections.
Before the Delhi Legislative Assembly elections, when AAP started a special drive to involve some important Muslim names the party, as is practiced by the other political parties, it became clear that the leadership of AAP too considers Muslims to be a vote bank first and not equal citizens. The making of a ‘special task force’ confirms that AAP leadership considers Muslims to be a separate vote bank.
The people, who equate the success of AAP with the success of ‘new’ politics, manage to underscore the fact that this new politics too looks at sections of the population of the country as categories, by dividing them into religions and castes. It won 9 out of 12 reserved seats in the Delhi Legislative Assembly elections, but did not put forward a single Scheduled Caste candidate on any of the other seats. Its next target is Haryana, where it has already started politics based on caste equations.
To put up a Yadav candidate for chief minister’s post in the Jat dominated politics of Haryana, first and foremost priority has been given to the inclusion of Jats. The Jats are falling over each other to fulfil their political ambitions by doing ‘clean politics’. They hope that a Jat’s name may be decided upon later, to make victory certain.
Like other political parties who are said to be secular, AAP while keeping a firm hold on the Hindus, wants to cast its sway over the Muslims by placing before them the fear of Narendra Modi. Now it depends upon the Muslim community whether it continues the same relationship with AAP, the sort that it had with the other secular parties. As per this relationship, the Muslims vote for the candidate of any other party that is capable of defeating the BJP.
This decision is not wrong in view of the security necessary for their life and livelihood. Since AAP is a party run on strategy rather than struggle, its leadership does not declare is position clearly, position either neo-liberalism or on the question of communalism. Its only goal is to have electoral success as soon as possible by being vague and non-committal about these two major issues. In its bid to win votes from different communities/stratas of society, it speaks in so many voices. In the coming elections its multi-facedness may even beat the RSS.
From the time of its RSS-backed anti-corruption movement, AAP has had a large number of neo-liberal and communal elements. Many BJP/Cong and SP/BSP leaders had joined the party before the Delhi elections. AAP now has a growing number of opportunistic and power-hungry elements after its success in the Delhi elections and the formation of its government. In this scenario, the assurance to the Muslims that it has many secular faces is questionable.
We must keep in mind that a neo-liberal can never be truly secular. The Muslims should keep in mind that there are a number of more secular parties other than AAP which do not hesitate to form a government with the BJP at the centre or in states. AAP too, after getting the Muslim votes might repeat this practice. A secular leader from AAP, Prashant Bhushan, has already advocated the formation of a government with the support of the BJP instead of the Congress in Delhi. Additionally he has also made the ‘grand comment’ calling CPM corrupt, with which an alliance cannot be made.
It is unfortunate that along with many Marxists, secular intellectuals, political, peoples’ movements and civil society activists are trying to push Muslims in AAP’s fold. Obviously, they all perceive the Muslims only as a vote bank and are succeeding too, at it. Some Muslim clerics and political leaders are apparently impressed by their campaign. They have started talking in terms of helping AAP’s candidates to win, considering it to be a part of the truly secular camp.
In this period of grave danger to the constitutional value of secularism, the Muslim leadership/intelligentsia should take a decision on this contentious issue after giving it a serious thought. For the Muslims and the other minorities in India, this is a question not just of debate/discussion but one concerning life and death. The minorities suffer most by the havoc unleashed by communal politics. Communal forces are so strong in the present times that there have been communal riots, one after the other, in Uttar Pradesh under the secular Samajwadi Party government.
Communalism has grown steadily with neo-liberalism. Fundamentalism is gaining greater footage in every religion rather than tolerance. Its latest proof is that when there were congratulatory declarations about political ‘miracles, God’s grace, celebration, hawan and Vande Mataram’ in Delhi on the occasion of the oath-taking ceremony in Delhi, just 100 km away, more than 60 people were killed and 60,000 people uprooted from 185 villages during communal riots in Muzaffarnagar-Shamli districts.
Thousands of them are still not ready to go back to their homes after four months. The SP government has been rightly denounced for their misdeed of holding and attending the Saifai Mahotsav. But those who denounced Saifai had no qualms about the celebrations in Delhi. The New Delhi government’s oath-taking ceremony that could have been managed within a few thousands at the Lieutenant Governor’s house was accomplished with a lot of fanfare at the cost of crores in the Ramlila Maidan.
The celebration of the ‘feel good’ factor generated by AAP’s electoral success led to the celebrations of the New Year with a special zeal by the rich in Delhi and other metros in the country. Those who claim to check Modi did not even take a peek at the riot affected areas. Nevertheless, they are grinding their political axe by organizing membership campaigns in that area.
The Muslims need to seriously examine the arguments being propagated by secularists in favour AAP. The argument that Arvind Kejriwal has faded Modi’s glow may be an excuse for the secularists. This argument may help some Muslims from AAP to reach the Parliament and the legislative assemblies.
But it will not strengthen secularism. The fading of Modi’s ‘glow’ will not lead to the fading of communal fascism. The ideologically neutral stance – ‘neither left nor right’ – could only lead towards strengthening of fundamentalism forces, be it market or religion. It is to be noted that the corporate world and the media, who have already pronounced Modi to be the next prime minister, is simultaneously singing paeans of Kejriwal.
The Muslim voters need to realize that that Modi is not just a name that they are gearing to challenge. Communal fascism will not end even if Modi loses the election. The extremist views of the RSS are personified in some or the other leader, time to time. This time it is Modi who has risen as its biggest representative. There is a need to look at this extremist streak. May be on a smaller scale, but the same is visible in Kejriwal. There is some solid evidence available on that count.
Modi easily won the third Legislative Assembly elections in Gujarat. Many individuals and organizations have been trying to find justice for the victims, ever since the time of the state sponsored massacre in 2002. Kejriwal and his followers, who despite repeated and loud claims of saving the country, have not spoken a word about it, neither at the time of incident nor later.
We do not find any comments on the anti-constitutional and anti-civilization deed of the demolition of the Babri Masjid either from him or his Guru, Anna Hazare. Anna Hazare, whom Kejriwal brought from Ralegaon Sidhhi to Delhi, dropping his first choice Baba Ramdev, had first praised Modi from the Jantar Mantar. Modi immediately conveyed his thanks by a letter. At the same time he cautioned Anna, that his detractors will try to create differences between them. Some secularists tried to make damage control, but Kejriwal still didn’t speak up.
An important member of the India Against Corruption team, Chetan Bhagat, had campaigned for Modi even before the RSS came out with its decision in his favor, and is still doing so. Lately he has been trying to ‘educate’ the Muslim youth in favour of ‘modern and progressive’ Modi cautioning them against ‘old fashioned and stagnant’ Muslim community. An important leader of the anti-corruption movement and Kejriwal’s comrade in arms, Ramdev’s utterances and literature are not hidden from any one. Ramdev called Modi to his ashram at Hardwar and declared him to be the leader of Hindus.
Kejriwal did not speak even after that. The Sachar Committee report and its recommendations came out in 2006. This report has become a central issue in the India politics. All the political parties advocate the implementation of the recommendations of the report in one way or the other. Only RSS-BJP has opposed it. But AAP has still not issued any comment on that report. Therefore, one may assume that AAP sides with the BJP on this count.
The Sachar Committee report records the pathetic state of Muslims in the country and seeks their empowerment by suggesting some immediate measures. The Ford Foundation sponsored AAP’s leadership, including Kejriwal, never speak a word against the neo-imperialism conducted from the American-Israel axis.
It is astonishing that the secularists consider Kejriwal to be their card against Modi, when he has never said a word against Modi. It will be interesting to see what decision the Muslim public takes with regard to AAP which has pushed back the real socialist and secularist forces and is continually hobnobbing with the neoliberal-communal nexus!
About the contributor: Dr. Prem Singh, a former fellow, IIAS, Shimla, teaches Hindi at Delhi University and is general secretary of Socialist Party (India).
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